1) Why did you form a group like that and what are the characteristics of your assembly?
The assembly in solidarity with the political prisoners and imprisoned and persecuted fighters, emerged as the transformation of the Open Assembly of Anarchists-antiauthoritarians Against Special Conditions Detention. We started with the understanding that the action against type C prison can only be part of solidarity with all political prisoners and imprisoned fighters who were in Greek prisons and destined for type C prison. It was contradictory and paradoxical to be mobilized against prisons type C and not in solidarity with the comrades detained for type C prison. It was a serious political deficit that there are dozens of political prisoners and imprisoned fighters and there is no organized solidarity assembly for them. Solidarity is a political position and an attitude. It is a key element of a movement or a political direction that wants to have kinematic characteristics.
It is a fundamental principle of the assembly that solidarity with the captive fighters and generally the persecuted comrades is an integral part of the broader struggle for overcoming the state and for the revolution. Within this context we are in solidarity with all political prisoners regardless of the means adopted and the political references and background from where they originate. We do not recognize the dilemmas of ‘legality – illegality “,” innocence – guilt “,” mass or armed struggle “as we believe that they cause disruptions for the struggle both inside and outside the prison, while it develops and makes the state repression stronger. Based on these criteria, the assembly obviously includes comrades prosecuted or convicted for their political activities, both if they are “free” and in “illegality”. Plus, it doesn’t support those who were informants or those who reject the armed struggle.
2) How did you and other comrades practice solidarity with the prisoners that where fighting against the type c prisons?
The struggle of the political prisoners was a political struggle that addressed the “counter-terrorism-law” and the repressive core of the state, dismantled the illusions of SYRIZA and what it really represents.
The political legacy that can leave this fight involves both, the connection of solidarity to the political prisoners with the struggle for subversion and revolution. – something we have to work politically in this direction in the medium and long term because it is politically wrong to disconnect one from each other – and secondly, that a large part of anarchists / antiauthoritarians stood in solidarity to all the political prisoners who went on a hunger strike without divisions, despite the problems between some groups of political prisoners and despite the differences, to some extent. Not to be left alone to the state repression was a bet won by a large part of the anarchists / antiauthoritarians.
As regards the solidarity movement: Despite the great significance of this struggle, that was the first purely political prisoners hunger strike in Greece, did not get the similar response that would be appropriate in this case.
3) Furthermore after a huge hungerstrike the greek state established the type c isolation prisons in order to punish seperately the political/revolutionary/resisting prisoners. What are the challenges after the hungerstrike and since the segregation of anarchists and the armed struggle in general became stronger?
So taking things from the beginning, we have to locate the starting point of this struggle to the mass hunger strike of 4500 prisoners in the summer of 2014, when was given the first battle against prison “type C” of a large number of prisoners.
Of course, the progress and results of that race was not desirable as it passed the law on the creation of type C prison. From that moment it opened an issue, which will constitute the main peak of the protests that began with the first transfers to C Type. Mobilization which coincided with the election of Syriza in government. On March 2, 2015 political prisoners from prisons in Greece went on a hunger strike to essential requirements the abolition of anti-terrorist laws, the covered face law, violent taking DNA for evidence, of type C prison, and the immediate release of the trauma patient Savas Xiros of Revolutionary Organisation November 17. At the same time the members of the CCF began a hunger strike demanding the immediate release of their relatives arrested after the failed escape plan. In solidarity in the fight standing Turkish and Kurdish political prisoners on hunger strikes escalators. It was the first hunger strike only political prisoners with political demands. It is the only militant political mobilization experienced by SYRIZA government. This struggle shattered illusions in relation to the left mask of power. This is the great political legacy left in history. Regarding requests: The “anti-terrorism” law, Article 187A, and the law on “criminal organization”, Article 187, not even raised by law changes of the Ministry of Justice. The abolition of type C prison does not negate the fact that political prisoners are sentenced for cases of armed revolutionary action held in a special high security wing and isolation from other prisoners. Apart from the abolition of type C prison, provisions for the release of sick and disabled prisoners as Savvas Xiros and relatives of CCF prisoners are under the most stringent conditions, such as house arrest plus electronic surveillance called “wristband” which is general used with educational leech and other possibly reasons.
As regards provisions for covered face law and the DNA, the government SYRIZA didn’t abolish, only for demonstrations it was modified as minor crimes. But in cases of expropriations of banks and guerrilla actions. The DNA is not abolished essentially the torture of the violent DNA taking. The struggle of the political prisoners, the hunger strike of the political prisoners had the character of a political opposition against the regime itself.
As regards the solidarity movement supported from the first time based on principle the political framework of the hunger strike of the political prisoners, supported all the strikers, without exceptions, without divisions, organized marches, made occupations, actions were in all the cities of Greece. Dozens were the occupations of public buildings, broadcasting stations, offices of the ruling party, incendiary and commando actions etc. In Athens three demonstrations took place, capture the radio station of Syriza, the Rector office in various universitys, town halls etc. Many comrades in solidarity were arrested by riot police. But despite the great significance of this struggle, did not get the similar response that would be appropriate in this case.
Today, after the abolition of type C prison ‘, special high security wings in prison for “dangerous” prisoners were created. A measure that is implemented on the underground wing of womensprison of Korydallos with additional security measures, such as applying 24-hour monitoring, double railings, and adding new barbed wire, prohibiting visiting in an attempt to isolate political prisoners. Another measure to achieve political and not only-isolation is the dispersion of prisoners in various remote prisons far from relatives and fellow persons.
4) Which individuals or groups are you supporting and in which way do you practice solidarity?
Solidarity is political position and attitude. It is a key element of a movement or a political circles that wants to have kinematic characteristics. Solidarity means that the detained militants and forms of struggle they chose and for this have been found in prison is part of the common struggle, the struggle for revolution and anarchy.
Solidarity means that we believe that the armed struggle and guerrilla is part of the game and the movement. In this sense, we are in solidarity with political prisoners regardless of the range of fighting- subversive movement from origin. The solidarity with the political prisoners can not be neither selective nor partial, but concerns all the political prisoners. And criteria for the status of political prisoner is also positioning and attitude in court and in prison and consistency between of action before conception and attitude afterwards. This does not mean that the solidarity, the circles or the movement can not critisise the context or the actions of armed revolutionary organizations, solidarity is not a match.
Solidarity, like any social or political practice, has ideological sign.
Solidarity is not selective because otherwise there is no solidarity. Solidarity is not the distinction between the innocent and the guilty, not the separation between affairs organizations or individuals. Solidarity does not make distinctions between Anarchists and Communists prisoners, nor has national characteristics. Solidarity is not the separation of forms struggle, solidarity has only one political criterion, that the prisoners and the types of action selected as the armed struggle, guerrilla and any other form of action that put them to prison is part of the common struggle and the movement for the overthrow of capital and the state, for the Revolution. Solidarity is the spreading of the reason why the political prisoners were in jail and has no restrictions to the forms that they are expressed, for example, counter-information, demonstrations, arson, commando, bombings.
5) Recently the Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners & imprisoned and prosecuted fighters in cooperation with …… organized two days of events in the occupied building “gini” of politecnical university in exarchia/athens. What was it all about?
The 2-day event – was in response to the appeals of the CCF case where there was in trial six cases involving 22 anarchist militants. Held on 15 & 16 April in Athens, with main title: FROM SOLIDARITY TO REVOLUTIONARY PERSPECTIVE more detail the topics on which were placed so the comrades on trial on appeal and the organizers of the event were:
On Friday, April 15th (first day) 2 topics
1) The court of appeal:
– The repressive attack of the state
– The case CCF and judicial gigantism
– Special courts and specialized detention conditions
2) The practical solidarity within the Revolutionary Action
Saturday, the 16th April (2nd day) 2 topics
1) Autonomy – Diversity of Anarchist Action and the Revolutionary Perspective
2) Armed struggle and Revolutionary Movement
6) What are the specifics about this “umbrella” trial?
The case of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, judicial, legal and repressive moves of the state around the same named anarchist organization, spread over a period of seven years and on the substance is still ongoing.
So after seven years and on April 20, 22 anarchists comrades were in the court benches facing over the categories for “acts” which were arrested and accused of membership in the organization Conspiracy of Cells of Fire. In the court of CCF trial and other cases that the police – judicial complex baptized the “assumptions CCF” to judicial coup against anarchists.
From April 20, 2016 all first instance courts made
for the Halandri case (house baptized giafka by police) which are themselves three cases.
On December of 2010 arrest in Nea Zmirni (weapons possession), the case of parcel bombs on targets both in Greece and abroad, the arrest of five members of the CCF in March 2011 in Volos, the armed clashes and arrests for robbery in Velvento Kozani.
In another judicial innovation beyond the comrades who already have been in trial for the membership in the organization and were found the defendants on the case of Velvento. These six comrades were tried for their involvement in the double robbery in Kozani Velvento but first instance fully exempted from any participation in the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire and does not even fall within the 187th, the famous anti-terrorism law.
7) What happened at the trial against 22 anarchist on 20th of April at the court of Korydallos Prison?
On Wednesday, April 20 the court of Korydallos prison began, on appeal cases involving the CCF and other anarchist militants, and the case concerning the robbery in Velvento Kozani where the accused fighters were exempted from the charge of participation in CCF.
For the case of Velvento defense attorneys asked for the separation and then postponed, because the boycott continues. The court accepted the request for separation of the case and postponed indefinitely. While for the other cases the court was moved to May 19, due to continued abstinence lawyers.
Following calls from various collectives among them our own assembly for solidarity gathering in court, gathered a few dozen comrades-compas where they were faced with riot cops who were lined up and not let the unified world to even approach the court entrance, eventually some comrades went to court and there was contact with the prisoners.
8) Can you give an overview of the response from the anarchist movement?
In connection with the appeal court of CCF affairs and the Velvento case, a series of solidarity movements were in many cities of Greece that the main charateristic of them will say that they were moves of counter-information, mikrofonikis, hanging banners, massively sharing of texts and announcements, slogans in central parts of cities etc.,
while some were more dynamic actions like for example fireattack of a site in Crete.
Within solidarity on April 23 our Assembly invited nationwide – paneuropean-wide day of action to the Court of Appeal where a series of cities responded in Greece and several in Europe like Zurich, Berne, Madrid, Bucharest.
9) Your assembly called for a day of solidarity including a proposal for “solidarity-based combative stance next to comrades who are incarcerated or prosecuted” forther explaining that it “is yet another field of conflict with the State and its mechanisms”. What do you mean
by that?
Supportive comrades, that either were imprisoned for their actions or their speech like those who accepted the political responsibilty for the organizations they have been involve, or the comrades who have been targeted by repressive operations of the state. All this is a precondition for the continuing and promoting battle that is already in progress.
In the battle against authority the common action with the comrades who are imprisoned, persecuted or vilified has not only the mean of the rescue of the hostages and the liberation of the imprisoned comrades. It is further logical to “not leaving anyone behind”, to strengthen the integrity of the struggle.
Competitors must bring the prisoners in our own lines, nourish and sharpen the same war against the regime. We do not understand the political prisoners as victims of repression that is why solidarity is not limited in terms of human rights, nor to be determined by the files of the cases. We consider them still fighting inside the prisons.
A movement must be concious that the defense of its prisoners, political prisoners and persecuted, is primary vital premise for its very existence and development. We understand that solidarity with imprisoned and persecuted comrades are part of the revolutionary movement and has a direct connection with the struggle, so our activities promote not only the support of prisoners against state repression but is also promoting the same struggle for the overthrow the present political system and the revolution.
10.) What means polimorfia? Do you recognize polimorfia as a practice in your assembly?
This multiformity has been used in many aspects of the anarchist-antiauthoritarian circles. We are against the culture of alternative lifestyle and some analysis that exclude rioting and the armed struggle as means of clashing, we see multiformity as a tool for making the struggle more intense. First, because it is related to the composition of an anarchist mosaic in the field of different attitudes against the state and the capital. The common sense of the revolutionary perspective. Secondly, to create a united front struggle, which will treat all available means to achieve this purpose. A front, in which groups and individuals keep their autonomy and intersect wherever they wish, without the need to be homogenized under one central idea.
11) The concept of solidarity and the various ways to consider / in realizing It was always a matter of conversation among anarchists. So considering that solidarity with political prisoners has various interpretations. What does revolutionary / political solidarity to you?
What defines the revolutionary solidarity from other forms of solidarity is that it clashes with the core of authority , whatever connects each “special” issue with the “general” question of the liberation project. Of course, solidarity with political prisoners, combine antisystemical review and action. Besides the previous and direct challenging of the state monopoly of violence, which is one of the pillars of the system.
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